Suchergebnisse

Abstract. Among the many changes introduced to the European Union's (EU's) external relations role by the Treaty of Lisbon, one of the most signifi cant is the establishment of a European External Action Service (EEAS) to support the High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). However, the treaty article relating to the EEAS is vague and does not specify precisely the form that this new institution will take. This article considers the options for the design of the EEAS along five dimensions: membership, the scope of responsibilities, the centralization of tasks, the rules for controlling the new body, and the fl exibility of its institutional arrangements. Equally, the establishment of the EEAS builds on past foreign policy cooperation between EU Member States, and it is therefore important to consider how such cooperation was structured in the past in order to comment on the design options for the future EEAS.

"Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre scheint die Benelux neuen Auftrieb erhalten zu haben, nicht als internationale Organisation, aber in Form einer engeren Zusammenarbeit ihrer Mitglieder im Rahmen der EU. Durch eine Reihe von Memoranda betreffend die zukünftige Entwicklung der EU und spezifische Themen, wie Justiz- und Innenpolitik, waren sie bemüht, den Prozess der europäischen Integration in Richtung einer Vertiefung voranzutreiben. Durch ihren Zusammenschluss versuchen sie, größeren Einfluss auszuüben und die Interessen kleinerer Staaten besser zu vertreten. Gute persönliche Beziehungen auf höchster politischer Ebene haben bei der Herstellung der Verbindungen eine große Rolle gespielt.Die engeren Beziehungen bedeuten allerdings nicht den Beginn einer 'menage a trois'. Die Kooperation findet in erster Linie auf höchster Ebene (zwischen den MinisterpräsidentInnen) statt und ist in sehr flexibler und pragmatischer Weise organisiert. Die Kooperation ist keineswegs allumfassend, und es bestehen weiterhin wichtige ökonomische, kulturelle und politische Unterschiede zwischen den drei Ländern. Sie ist auch keineswegs exklusiv, sondern Teil einer breiteren Strategie der Netzwerkbildung innerhalb der EU." (Autorenreferat)

Since the mid-1990s, the Benelux seems to have received new impetus, not as an international organization but as a form of closer cooperation among its three members in the framework of the EU. Through a series of memoranda on the further development of the EU & on more specific topics such as Justice & Home Affairs, they have tried to steer the process of European integration in the direction of a further deepening. By joining forces they try to have more impact & to better defend the interests of the smaller member states. Good personal relations at the highest political levels have played an important role in the forging of the links. The closer relations are however not the beginning of a "menage a trois." The cooperation is primarily taking place at the highest levels (prime ministers) & is organized in a very pragmatic & flexible way. The cooperation is furthermore far from all-encompassing & there continue to be important economic, cultural, political divergences among the three. The cooperation is also not exclusive but part of a broader strategy to develop networks in the EU. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

'Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre scheint die Benelux neuen Auftrieb erhalten zu haben, nicht als internationale Organisation, aber in Form einer engeren Zusammenarbeit ihrer Mitglieder im Rahmen der EU. Durch eine Reihe von Memoranda betreffend die zukünftige Entwicklung der EU und spezifische Themen, wie Justiz- und Innenpolitik, waren sie bemüht, den Prozess der europäischen Integration in Richtung einer Vertiefung voranzutreiben. Durch ihren Zusammenschluss versuchen sie, größeren Einfluss auszuüben und die Interessen kleinerer Staaten besser zu vertreten. Gute persönliche Beziehungen auf höchster politischer Ebene haben bei der Herstellung der Verbindungen eine große Rolle gespielt.Die engeren Beziehungen bedeuten allerdings nicht den Beginn einer 'menage a trois'. Die Kooperation findet in erster Linie auf höchster Ebene (zwischen den MinisterpräsidentInnen) statt und ist in sehr flexibler und pragmatischer Weise organisiert. Die Kooperation ist keineswegs allumfassend, und es bestehen weiterhin wichtige ökonomische, kulturelle und politische Unterschiede zwischen den drei Ländern. Sie ist auch keineswegs exklusiv, sondern Teil einer breiteren Strategie der Netzwerkbildung innerhalb der EU.' (Autorenreferat)

Samenvatting (Summary in Dutch)

On 17 April 1962, Genera! de Gaulle's proposal to establish a political union between the six EC Member States, better known as the 'Fouchet Proposal', was vetoed by Belgium and The Netherlands who made their further support dependent on British participation in the negotiations on a political union.This article examines the position of Belgium, represented by its Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. P-H. Spaak and more particularly its evolution from a rather favourable position to a rejection of the project. The contradictory Belgian demand for a more supranational political union at the same time as British membership can be considered in the light of Belgium's wish to promote both the process of European integration and the principle of Atlantic solidarity, the basis of its security. The article describes how the final deathblow to the negotiations was not given by Belgium and The Netherlands but by the French veto of British accession to the EC and the signing of the Franco-German Cooperation Treaty of Elysee in ]anuary 1963.

Starting from the basic assumption that institutionalized processes of information transfers are never entirely neutral but advantage certain types of information over others, this powerful collection presents the results of a research agenda that, through empirical investigation, systematically examines how information plays a key role in policy-making. As a very dynamic environment characterized by many different modes of information gathering and processing, the European Union forms a particularly interesting venue in which to test the 'politics of information' approach. With a mandate to go beyond the general assertion that informational asymmetry matters, the study has selected a number of pivotal EU actors and policy areas, studying them through 'information lenses'. More concretely the different contributions present a better understanding of the politics of information by examining the formal rules of information access, distribution and processing and by studying how these rules are applied in the day-to-day policy process.